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  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Steamers containing dumplings are here on the bar at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_015.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_022.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_021.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_020.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_019.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. A dish of spring rolls is here on a table, while customers in the background have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_018.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. A dish of spring rolls is here on a table, while customers in the background have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_017.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. A dish of spring rolls is here on a table, while customers in the background have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_016.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_013.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_012.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. General manager Balke Davis (right) and manager Antonio have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_011.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY.  (L-R) Balke Davis (General Manager), Antonio (Manager), and Aneta Kyrcz (waitress), have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_010.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_008.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_006.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_005.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_004.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_003.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_001.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Waiter and bartender Gustavo Obregon exits the kitchen carrying steamers containing dumplings. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_014.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_009.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Customers have late dinner after midnight at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_007.jpg
  • 9 October, 2008. New York, NY. Liquors on display at Shorty's 32 Restaurant in Soho. Shorty's 32 has late night services some nights. <br />
<br />
©2008 Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times<br />
cell. +1 646 465 2168 (USA)<br />
cell. +1 328 567 7923 (Italy)<br />
gianni@giannicipriano.com<br />
www.giannicipriano.com
    Shortys_002.jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_Mini2P...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_Mini2P...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_Mini2P...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-05...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Branco", a series of sculptures by Velasco Vitali is seen here in the church of San Domenico as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-01...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Branco", a series of sculptures by Velasco Vitali is seen here in the church of San Domenico as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-01...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: A view of the quality control area of Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    SMAS_20191125_NYT_Italy-Crisis_DSCF7...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: The fabric fabric produced in the Tronci textile factory, a supplier of Marini Industrie, is seen here in Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3409.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: The weaving of a fabric is seen here in the Tronci textile factory, a supplier of Marini Industrie, in Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3367.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: A woman is seen here at work in the Tronci textile factory, a supplier of Marini Industrie, in Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3349.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Signs advertise  Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer  in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3332.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: Chinese clothes are shown here in a showroom of a Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer  in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3310.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Chinese immigrants are seen here loading a truck at a showroom of a Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3275.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A sign advertises a Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer  in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3241.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A sign advertises a Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer  in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3153.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A local policewoman confiscates the vegetables sold illegally by a Chinese immigrant in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixe
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3084.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Teenagers, including first generation Italian Chinese, are seen here walking back from school in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. The
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2949.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A Chinese worker assembles a new Chinese business sign in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their cre
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2914.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A projection of the history of the local textile industry and the Chinese presence is seen here the textile museum in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2895.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Edoardo Nesi (55), who inherited a textile factory from his father but closed it a few years ago because of Chinese competition, poses for a portrait in his home in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019. “In Prato, we thought we were the best in the world,” says Edoardo Nesi, who spent his days running the textile factory his grandfather started, and his nights penning novels. “ Everybody was making money.” “We lived in a place where everything had been good for 40 years,” Mr. Nesi says. “Nobody was afraid of the future.”<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, Mr. Nesi’s business was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2740.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Edoardo Nesi (55), who inherited a textile factory from his father but closed it a few years ago because of Chinese competition, poses for a portrait in his home in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019. “In Prato, we thought we were the best in the world,” says Edoardo Nesi, who spent his days running the textile factory his grandfather started, and his nights penning novels. “ Everybody was making money.” “We lived in a place where everything had been good for 40 years,” Mr. Nesi says. “Nobody was afraid of the future.”<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, Mr. Nesi’s business was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2580.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Edoardo Nesi (55), who inherited a textile factory from his father but closed it a few years ago because of Chinese competition, poses for a portrait in his home in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019. “In Prato, we thought we were the best in the world,” says Edoardo Nesi, who spent his days running the textile factory his grandfather started, and his nights penning novels. “ Everybody was making money.” “We lived in a place where everything had been good for 40 years,” Mr. Nesi says. “Nobody was afraid of the future.”<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, Mr. Nesi’s business was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2575.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Edoardo Nesi (55), who inherited a textile factory from his father but closed it a few years ago because of Chinese competition, poses for a portrait in his home in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019. “In Prato, we thought we were the best in the world,” says Edoardo Nesi, who spent his days running the textile factory his grandfather started, and his nights penning novels. “ Everybody was making money.” “We lived in a place where everything had been good for 40 years,” Mr. Nesi says. “Nobody was afraid of the future.”<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, Mr. Nesi’s business was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2558.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Edoardo Nesi (55), who inherited a textile factory from his father but closed it a few years ago because of Chinese competition, poses for a portrait in his home in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019. “In Prato, we thought we were the best in the world,” says Edoardo Nesi, who spent his days running the textile factory his grandfather started, and his nights penning novels. “ Everybody was making money.” “We lived in a place where everything had been good for 40 years,” Mr. Nesi says. “Nobody was afraid of the future.”<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, Mr. Nesi’s business was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2463.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A 1926 photograph of the owners and workers in the Nesi textile factory is seen here in the house of Edoardo Nesi, who inherited the business that went out of business because of globalization and Chinese competition, in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2346.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A view of the former Nesi textile factory, that went out of business, is seen here in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, the Nesi textile factory was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2328.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A view of the former Nesi textile factory, that went out of business, is seen here in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, the Nesi textile factory was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2231.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: The entrance of the former Nesi textile factory, that went out of business, is seen here in Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
In the 1990s, the Germans began purchasing cheaper fabrics woven in the former East Germany, Bulgaria and Romania. Then, they shifted their sights to China, where similar fabric could be had for less than half the price of Prato’s. Chinese factories were buying the same German-made machinery used by the mills in Prato. They were hiring Italian consultants who were instructing them on the modern arts of the trade. By 2000, the Nesi textile factory was no longer making money.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191126_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2119.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Chinese furs are seen here outside a showroom of a Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer  in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fas
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_2103.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: A Chinese immigrant is seen here walking out of a garage in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their c
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1985.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: A Chinese immigrant is seen here in a garage in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: �
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1975.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: A Chinese cafe and restaurant is seen here in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “M
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1906.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: A Chinese immigrant is seen here by a food market in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creation
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1620.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Roberta Travaglini (61), who has lost her job at a textile mille four years ago, poses for a portrait nearby her apartment in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.  For the past four years, Roberta Travaglini has been unable to find a job, forcing her to live off support from her retired parents. She says she will not look for work in the Chinese-owned clothing businesses, because she feels uncomfortable there. But she shops for clothes in the Chinese clothing store across the street from her apartment because she can no longer afford the boutiques downtown. Since losing her job, she has survived by fixing clothes for people in her neighbourhood, using the workshop on the ground floor of her parent’s apartment.“When I was young, it was the Communist party that was protecting the workers, that was protecting our social class. Now, it’s the League that is protecting the people, that goes toward the people’s problems. I see a similarity between the Communist Party and the League.”<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostl
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1553.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Roberta Travaglini (61), who has lost her job at a textile mille four years ago, ise seen here looking at a shop window of a Chinese clothig store in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019.  For the past four years, Roberta Travaglini has been unable to find a job, forcing her to live off support from her retired parents. She says she will not look for work in the Chinese-owned clothing businesses, because she feels uncomfortable there. But she shops for clothes in the Chinese clothing store across the street from her apartment because she can no longer afford the boutiques downtown. Since losing her job, she has survived by fixing clothes for people in her neighbourhood, using the workshop on the ground floor of her parent’s apartment.“When I was young, it was the Communist party that was protecting the workers, that was protecting our social class. Now, it’s the League that is protecting the people, that goes toward the people’s problems. I see a similarity between the Communist Party and the League.”<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arr
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1393.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Sellers of Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition, are seen here choosing fabrics in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1166.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: A fabric sample from the 1967/1968 Fall/Winter collection of Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition, is seen here in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1070.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Manuela Innocenti (47) is seen here checking the quality of a fabric at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Manuela Innocenti has been working at Marini Industrie for 13 years. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_1014.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019:  Lorena Bertocci (70) chooses fabric samples for a client at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Lorena Bertocci has been working at Marini Industrie since he was 14 years old. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_0564.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Stocked fabric samples are seen here at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_0533.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Luca Campigli (56), cuts fabric samples for a client at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Luca Campagni has been working at Marini Industrie for 27 years. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191125_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_0489.jpg
  • COMISO (RAGUSA), ITALY - 19 MARCH 2019: Tools are seen here by Travertino stone blocks in a sawmill in Comiso (Ragusa), Italy, on March 19th 2019.<br />
<br />
The pietra pece (pitchstone) is a type of limestone which is charachterized by different percentages of bitumen.<br />
This morphologic origin makes the pietra pece particularly unique for its peculiar chromatic shading.<br />
In fact, the pietra pece is also called "asphaltic stone" because it has a colour that varies from gray to dark brown.    <br />
The company DESCAT has been the owner of the registered trademark of the pietra pece since 2014 and it has the ownership of the only extractive pietra pece quarry situated in the Tabuna/Cortolillo district in Ragusa, Sicily. The pietra is distributed by Artigianato Industriale.
    SMAS_20190319_MONOCLE-PietraPece_DSC...jpg
  • TARANTO, ITALY - 22 FEBRUARY 2018: Luca Greco, an unemployed 30-years old living with his parents in Tamburi, the working-class district adjacent the ILVA steel mill, poses for a portrait at the Mini Bar in Taranto, Italy, on February 22nd 2018.<br />
<br />
Luca Greco has worked occasionally in call centers for a minimum salary, but hasn't had a job since 2013. His 65 years-old father is unemployed  since 2003 and his mother works as a care-giver. He lives with his parents and 13 years-old brother. "I  absolutely don't see a future in Taranto or in Italy. If I leave Tamburi, I will leave the country. I see a dark, tragic future". When asked who he will vote in the upcoming Italian General Elections, Luca said: "You could still make a distinction between the political parties in the 1960's. They're all the same. The Five Stars Movement is the new thing. One could vote them to give them a chance. But I won't".<br />
<br />
Taranto, a  formerly lovely town on the Ionian Sea has for the last several decades been dominated by the ILVA steel mill, the largest steel plant in Europe. It was built by the government in the 1960s as a means of delivering jobs to the economically depressed south, but has been implicated for a cancer as dioxin and mercury have seeped into local groundwater, tainting the food supply, while poisoning the bay and its once-lucrative mussels.
    CIPG_20180222_NYT_Puglia_M3_8336.jpg
  • TARANTO, ITALY - 22 FEBRUARY 2018: Luca Greco, an unemployed 30-years old living with his parents in Tamburi, the working-class district adjacent the ILVA steel mill, poses for a portrait at the Mini Bar in Taranto, Italy, on February 22nd 2018.<br />
<br />
Luca Greco has worked occasionally in call centers for a minimum salary, but hasn't had a job since 2013. His 65 years-old father is unemployed  since 2003 and his mother works as a care-giver. He lives with his parents and 13 years-old brother. "I  absolutely don't see a future in Taranto or in Italy. If I leave Tamburi, I will leave the country. I see a dark, tragic future". When asked who he will vote in the upcoming Italian General Elections, Luca said: "You could still make a distinction between the political parties in the 1960's. They're all the same. The Five Stars Movement is the new thing. One could vote them to give them a chance. But I won't".<br />
<br />
Taranto, a  formerly lovely town on the Ionian Sea has for the last several decades been dominated by the ILVA steel mill, the largest steel plant in Europe. It was built by the government in the 1960s as a means of delivering jobs to the economically depressed south, but has been implicated for a cancer as dioxin and mercury have seeped into local groundwater, tainting the food supply, while poisoning the bay and its once-lucrative mussels.
    CIPG_20180222_NYT_Puglia_M3_8330.jpg
  • TORRE DEL GRECO, ITALY - 13 JULY 2016: A "See No Evil" cameo dark ring is show here together with other cameos designed by master-carver and Amedeo Scognamiglio in the RFMAS workshop, the design studio of Amedeo Scognamiglio and Roberto Faraone Mennella in Torre del Greco, Italy, on July 13th 2016.<br />
<br />
Amedeo Scognamiglio learned the art of carving of cameos at the age of 16 years old in his father’s company (M+M Scognamiglio), continuing an artistic manufacturing tradition of a six generations family of coral and cameo manufacturers dating back to the early 1800s in Torre del Greco, a town at the foot of Mount Vesuvius, Italy. Amedeo’s design philosophy aims at a contemporary approach to the ancient art of cameo making, through alternative materials, unexpected ideas and smile-triggering designs. In 2001, Amedeo Scognamiglio partnered with his long-time childhood friend Roberto Faraone Mennella to create a fine jewelry line called Faraone Mennella by R.F.M.A.S. Group.The designer duo created a line that brings together the quality and craftsmanship of fine Italian jewelry to the world of fashion accessories. In 2006, the opening of AMEDEO, a Boutique on the chic Upper East Side in NYC, dedicated to the Designer’s vision of Cameos, and followed shortly after by another opening in Capri, Italy.
    CIPG_20160713_INYT-Camei_5M3_7873.jpg
  • PRAIANO, ITALY - 21 MAY 2016: Artist Enzo Caruso poses for a portrait next to one of her ceramic sculptures, in which he represents fantastic figures disguised as sirens, sailors or bishops with grotesque expressions., one of the eight art itineraries of the NaturArte project in Praiano, Italy, on May 21st 2016. Enzo Caruso's work revolves around the theme of the so-called janare, mythical figures often seen as witches. Through the janare, he intends to represent local folk mythology but also to make a reference to the many unconscious, dark fears people have.<br />
<br />
Over the previous three decades, Praiano had grown as part of the tourism boom of nearby Positano and the Amalfi Coast in general, but it had never developed its own identity or tried to shape its future. It is now trying to muscle in on the fame of better-known tourist drawn towns like Positano, Ravello and Amalfi, by positioning itself as an open-air museum. On Saturday, the town unveiled eight tourist itineraries, tracking the town’s traditional small religious shrine made of majolica tiles, augmented with the works of eight contemporary artists.<br />
<br />
These shrines were built all over town to protect the Praianesi and their homes. The artists were asked to draw inspiration from the past or the local values and traditions and to revitalize and reinforce the concept of "street art" typical of the traditional shrines. The artists were also asked to create ceramic installations that would enhance and enrich the natural landscape. Their installations were not supposed to alter the nature and the local “people’s architecture”, but rather to enrich them in harmonious and elegant ways.<br />
<br />
The Praiano NaturArte Project consists of eight art itineraries. Seven of them have ceramic works (ceramic is a traditional medium in the area) and are made by some of the best and most well-known artists in the area.
    CIPG_20160521_NYT-Amalfi_M3_1330.jpg
  • HAL FAR, MALTA - JUNE 21: Immigrants stay outside the containers they live in at the  Hangar Open Center in Hal Far (which translates as "Rat's Town") on June 21, 2011. The Hangar Open Center is a field with an ex-aircraft hangar which includes Swiss Red Cross tents in a dark, non lit space, and external containers. The conditions are very poor and the has inflamable oil on the floor.<br />
<br />
The Open Centres in Malta serve as a temporary accomodation facility, but they ended becoming permanent accomodation centres, except for those immigrants who receive subsidiary protection or refugee status and that are sent to countries such as the United States, Germany, Poland, and others. All immigrants who enter in Malta illegally are detained. Upon arrival to Malta, irregular migrants and asylum seekers are sent to one of three dedicated immigration detention facilities. Once apprehended by the authorities, immigrants remain in detention even after they apply for refugee status. detention lasts as long as it takes for asylum claims to be determined. This usually takes months; asylum seekers often wait five to 10 months for their first interview with the Refugee Commissioner. Asylum seekers may be detained for up to 12 months: at this point, if their claim is still pending, they are released and transferred to an Open Center.<br />
<br />
<br />
Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times
    CIPG_20110621_NYT_MALTA__MG_1309.jpg
  • HAL FAR, MALTA - JUNE 21: A Shuka, a 25 years old immigrant from Somali, is here with her son by the Swiss Red Cross tents inside the Hangar Open Center in Hal Far (which translates as "Rat's Town") on June 21, 2011. The Hangar Open Center is a field with an ex-aircraft hangar which includes Swiss Red Cross tents in a dark, non lit space, and external containers. The conditions are very poor and the has inflamable oil on the floor.<br />
<br />
The Open Centres in Malta serve as a temporary accomodation facility, but they ended becoming permanent accomodation centres, except for those immigrants who receive subsidiary protection or refugee status and that are sent to countries such as the United States, Germany, Poland, and others. All immigrants who enter in Malta illegally are detained. Upon arrival to Malta, irregular migrants and asylum seekers are sent to one of three dedicated immigration detention facilities. Once apprehended by the authorities, immigrants remain in detention even after they apply for refugee status. detention lasts as long as it takes for asylum claims to be determined. This usually takes months; asylum seekers often wait five to 10 months for their first interview with the Refugee Commissioner. Asylum seekers may be detained for up to 12 months: at this point, if their claim is still pending, they are released and transferred to an Open Center.<br />
<br />
<br />
Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times
    CIPG_20110621_NYT_MALTA__MG_1174.jpg
  • HAL FAR, MALTA - JUNE 21: Immigrants play ball and ride bikes at the Hangar Open Center in Hal Far (which translates as "Rat's Town") on June 21, 2011. The Hangar Open Center is a field with an ex-aircraft hangar which includes Swiss Red Cross tents in a dark, non lit space, and external containers. The conditions are very poor and the has inflamable oil on the floor.<br />
<br />
The Open Centres in Malta serve as a temporary accomodation facility, but they ended becoming permanent accomodation centres, except for those immigrants who receive subsidiary protection or refugee status and that are sent to countries such as the United States, Germany, Poland, and others. All immigrants who enter in Malta illegally are detained. Upon arrival to Malta, irregular migrants and asylum seekers are sent to one of three dedicated immigration detention facilities. Once apprehended by the authorities, immigrants remain in detention even after they apply for refugee status. detention lasts as long as it takes for asylum claims to be determined. This usually takes months; asylum seekers often wait five to 10 months for their first interview with the Refugee Commissioner. Asylum seekers may be detained for up to 12 months: at this point, if their claim is still pending, they are released and transferred to an Open Center.<br />
<br />
<br />
Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times
    CIPG_20110621_NYT_MALTA__MG_1061.jpg
  • LAMPEDUSA, ITALY - APRIL 4: A young Tunisian migrant watches the dark sky at the harbor minutes after arriving by boat from Tunisia on April 4, 2011 in Lampedusa, Italy. 40 migrants who have just arrived with a boat from Tunisia wait to be transferred by bus to the temporary holding centre.??Thousands of people, many who left North Africa following recent unrest, are stranded on the Italian island of Lampedusa in appalling conditions.  About 22,000 immigrants have arrived on the island since January, most of them from Tunisia. with many already having been moved to other parts of Italy...Many on Lampedusa have not been provided with the most basic humanitarian assistance such as shelter, medical care, mats, blankets and access to sanitary facilities, while thousands continue to sleep outdoors...(Photo by Gianni Cipriano / Getty Images)
    Lampedusa_15.jpg
  • CAPACI, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022:  The bulding from which mobsters detonated the bomb that killed anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone, his wife Francesca Morvillo and his escort agents is seen here in Capaci, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking back control of our Palermo,”<br />
she added.
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_Mavic2...jpg
  • CAPACI, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022:  The spot on the highway where a bomb placed by mobsters killed anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone, his wife Francesca Morvillo and his escort agents is seen here in Capaci, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking back control of our Palermo,”<br />
she added.
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_Mavic2...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: A detail of "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, sh
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-05...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: A detail of "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, sh
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-05...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-05...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-05...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "L'Albero dei tutti", a sculpture by Gregor Prugger is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo, as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “I
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-05...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Il Trionfo della Memoria", a sculpture by Peter Demetz is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. �
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-04...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Il Trionfo della Memoria", a sculpture by Peter Demetz is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. �
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-04...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Il Trionfo della Memoria", a sculpture by Peter Demetz is seen here in the church of Santa Maria dello Spasimo as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. �
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-04...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Elisa", an artwork by Arcangelo Sassolino is seen here at the Quattro Canti square as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking ba
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-03...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Elisa", an artwork by Arcangelo Sassolino is seen here at the Quattro Canti square as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking ba
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-03...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Elisa", an artwork by Arcangelo Sassolino is seen here at the Quattro Canti square as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking ba
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-01...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Elisa", an artwork by Arcangelo Sassolino is seen here at the Quattro Canti square as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking ba
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-01...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Branco", a series of sculptures by Velasco Vitali is seen here in the church of San Domenico as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-01...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Branco", a series of sculptures by Velasco Vitali is seen here in the church of San Domenico as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-00...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: The tomb of anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone is seen here in the church of San Domenico in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to<br />
everybody, not just the mafiosi, she said. “In short, we are taking back control of our Palermo,”<br />
she added.
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-00...jpg
  • PALERMO, ITALY - 24 MAY 2022: "Branco", a series of sculptures by Velasco Vitali is seen here in front of the tomb of anti-mafia magistrate Giovanni Falcone in the church of San Domenico as part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a public art program designed to build trust in institutions and ensure mobsters never gain a foothold in the city again in Palermo, Italy, on May 24th 2022.<br />
<br />
<br />
Until recently, Palermo was infamous as the Mafia capital of the world. A turning point in the establishment of law and order was the murder of Giovanni Falcone, Italy’s a famous judge who pioneered new methods to combat the Mafia and paved the way to the organization’s demise. The Mafia had its revenge in 1992, detonating a powerful bomb under a road near Capaci in Palermo’s hinterland. The explosion killed Falcone, his wife and three escorts.<br />
<br />
To mark the 30th anniversary of the tragedy on Monday, Palermo unveiled seven art<br />
installations reminding people of the city’s dark Mafia years, and encouraging local residents to<br />
resist creeping mafia influence. Part of the Spazi Capaci (Capaci Spaces), a three-year public art<br />
series taking place mainly in the Sicilian capital, the works were inaugurated as dignitaries<br />
including Sergio Mattarella, the President of Italy, arrived in Palermo for a commemoration<br />
ceremony remembering Falcone. The project has been organized by the Fondazione Falcone, an anti-Mafia organization in Palermo, with funding provided by the Education Ministry and private donors. “We have always<br />
known that culture is one of the best weapons against the Mafia,” said Maria Falcone, the sister<br />
of the murdered judge and President of the Fondazione Falcone. “Repression alone is not<br />
enough to beat the Mafia,” she added. “You also need social and cultural work for that.”<br />
Capaci Spaces aims to inspire residents to take pride in their city by making Palermo more<br />
beautiful, Falcone said. Displaying art in public places could also show that the city belongs to
    CIPG_20220524_NYT-Palermo-Art_A74-00...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: Chinese immigrants are seen here in a public park by an abandoned wool mill, closed in 2002, in the Chinatown of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Today, roughly one-tenth of the city’s 200,000 inhabitants are Chinese immigrants who have arrived legally, while many estimates put the total number at 45,000 after accounting for those without proper documents. <br />
Chinese grocery stores and restaurants have emerged to serve the local population. On the outskirts of the city, Chinese entrepreneurs oversee warehouses teeming with racks of clothing destined for markets across the continent. Estimates have it that 80 percent of clothing sold in street markets within the European Union is made by Chinese workers in Prato.<br />
<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. The
    SMAS_20191126_NYT_Italy-Crisis_DSCF7...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Rolls of fabrics are stored here in the warehouse of Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    SMAS_20191125_NYT_Italy-Crisis_DSCF7...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Claudio Vivarelli (53) is seen here checking the quality of a fabric at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Claudio Vivarelli has been working at Marini Industrie for 20 years. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    SMAS_20191125_NYT_Italy-Crisis_DSCF7...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Luca Campigli (56),  walks by the stocked fabric samples at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Luca Campagni has been working at Marini Industrie for 27 years. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    SMAS_20191125_NYT_Italy-Crisis_DSCF7...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 25 NOVEMBER 2019: Wool fabric samples are seen here at Marini Industrie, a textile company that has survived Chinese competition in Prato, Italy, on November 25th 2019. Marini Industrie is one of the few companies in Prato that weren’t hit by Chinese competition, by elevating their quality.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    SMAS_20191125_NYT_Italy-Crisis_DSCF7...jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: The fabric fabric produced in the Tronci textile factory, a supplier of Marini Industrie, is seen here in Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3405.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: A man is seen here at work in the Tronci textile factory, a supplier of Marini Industrie, in Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3400.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 27 NOVEMBER 2019: The weaving of a fabric is seen here in the Tronci textile factory, a supplier of Marini Industrie, in Prato, Italy, on November 27th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3389.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A sign advertises a Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer  in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3344.jpg
  • PRATO, ITALY - 26 NOVEMBER 2019: A Chinese Pronto Moda (Fast Fashion) retailer is seen here in the textile industrial area of Prato, Italy, on November 26th 2019.<br />
<br />
Italy has proved especially vulnerable to China’s emergence as a manufacturing juggernaut, given that many of its artisanal trades -- textiles, leather, shoe-making -- have long been dominated by small, family-run businesses that lacked the scale to compete on price with factories in a nation of 1.4 billion people. <br />
In recent years, four Italian regions that were as late as the 1980s electing Communists and then reliably supported center-left candidates -- Tuscany, Umbria, Marche and Emilia-Romagna  -- have swung dramatically to the extreme right. Many working class people say that delineation has it backwards: The left abandoned them, not the other way around. <br />
<br />
Between 2001 and 2011, Prato’s 6,000 textile companies shrunk to 3,000, and those employed by the plants plunged from 40,000 to 19,000, according to Confindustria, the leading Italian industrial trade association. As Prato’s factories went dark, people began arriving from China - mostly from the coastal city of Wenzhou, famed for its industriousness - to exploit an opportunity.<br />
They set up sewing machines across the concrete floors and imported fabric from factories in China. They sewed clothes, cannily imitating the styles of Italian fashion brands. They affixed a valuable label to their creations: “Made In Italy”.
    CIPG_20191127_NYT_Italy-Cris_M3_3322.jpg
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